Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC)
has recently made public the report of the “High-Level Committee constituted
for review of Environment and Forests Laws” (the TSR
Subramanian Committee). The full
report confirms and strengthens the initial apprehensions that had been
built up from a reading of the leaked executive summary.
A reading of the full report shows that its recommendations
are a sure recipe for serious dilution of environmental protection regime in
the country, which is not too effective in any case; and that its
recommendations seem to have ignored the lessons and experience of last few
decades since the operation of the Environment Protection Act and other
laws.
Our initial concerns, based on the leaked executive summary,
articulated here
remain valid. We give below some additional issues based on the full
report (Report from here on). Note that concerns articulated earlier are not
repeated here.
Some Useful Analysis and Recommendations
The Report has correctly analysed the key problems with the current
environmental protection regime. Some of these are:
“The lasting impression has
remained that the Acts and the appurtenant legal instruments have really served
only the purpose of a venal administration, at the Centre and the States, to
meet rent-seeking propensity at all levels. This impression has been further
strengthened by waves of large scale ‘clearances’, coupled with major delays in
approvals in individual cases. It should also be added that our businessmen and
entrepreneurs are not all imbued in the principles of rectitude – most are not
reluctant, indeed actively seek short-cuts, and are happy to collaboratively
pay a ‘price’ to get their projects going…”
“The Executive, as pointed out
has not covered itself with glory – indeed it has invited the attention of the
judicial branch through lack of basic care.”
“The Committee notes the tardy
implementation of even the current penal provisions, which is by itself a
catastrophe.”
“The principal aim of
Environmental Laws should be to ensure enhancement of environmental quality
parameters and maintenance of ecological balance.”
“While India has a strong
environmental policy and legislative framework, much of the problem relates to
weak implementation of the various acts and the rules there under.”
“… whereas most projects sooner
or later obtain approval; one analysis indeed indicated that the percentage of
approved projects works out to 99.1% – clearly the focus is not on substance.”
Unfortunately, in spite of the correct identification of the
problems, the Committee’s recommendations do not address these problems,
particularly the issue that “the focus is not on substance”. Instead, their
recommendations are mainly focussed on expediting clearances, and are likely to
result in a go-by to basic environmental principles.
There are some useful recommendations that can potentially
enhance environmental conservation. The few such recommendations in the Report
are (1) Suggestion to include noise pollution as an offence in EP Act. (2)
Creation of a geo-referenced database of environmental parameters for the
entire country, including parameters like topography, hydrology, forest cover, bio-diversity,
pollution etc. (However, the utility of this is limited by making it accessible
as a paid service which common people, civil society groups are not likely to
afford) (3) Some of the suggestions in the Wildlife Protection Act.
However, the impact of these few useful suggestions also may
be lost as the overarching framework
within which they are recommended to be placed is highly problematic.
Let us look at few of these issues now.
Nothing New in NEMA/SEMA, May Worsen the Clearance
Process
Section 7.8 of the Report recommends the formation of the
NEMA and SEMA for clearing various projects. It says:
“It is proposed to create
agencies, viz. National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) at national
level and State Environment Management Authority (SEMA) for each State as the
pivotal authorities to process applications for composite environmental
clearance (one window), for category A cases through NEMA and for category B
projects through SEMA. These would be standing technical organizations, manned
with professionals, supported by appropriate technology, which will have the
primary responsibility for processing all environmental clearance applications,
in a strictly time-bound manner”.
However, a detailed reading shows that there is little to
distinguish the NEMA and SEMA from the current structure of the Expert
Appraisal Committee (EAC) at central level and the State Expert Appraisal
Committee (SEAC) at the state level, except for the fact that the members of
NEMA and SEMA are expected to be full time. While this would be a welcome step,
the basic character of the NEMA remains that of the EAC and hence this change
may not have the desired impact.
The most serious problem
with the NEMA is that its Chair is required to be a:
“Person with administrative experience and of the
rank of an Additional Secretary to the government or above or persons with
unblemished record of service under any government of not less than twenty five
years in the field of pollution control or environmental management.”
First of all, this
recommendation limits the selection of Chair to those who have been in the
government, thus excluding many capable, knowledgeable, respected and
independent people from outside the government.
Second, this allows
bureaucrats and government officers with no experience in environment to be
chairperson of NEMA and it is likely that this will become the norm. Such an apprehension
is not misplaced at all. In the EACs, most of the Chairpersons appointed have
had no background in environment; rather they have been heading departments or
ministries that are involved in building dams, mines etc. There is no reason to
believe that this will change in the case of the NEMA.
The absence of a Chair
with strong environmental background, knowledge and concerns has been seen as
one of the main reasons why the EAC has failed to deliver on ensuring environmental
protection and the Committee should have recommend environmental experience and
knowledge as a prerequisite for the Chair of NEMA and SEMA.
“Thus, we are of the considered view that it will
neither be permissible nor in the interest of the environment, or any of the
stakeholders, to appoint persons from only administrative or management field,
without having specific experience in the field of environment”.
Further, it directed
that:
“We direct MoEF not to appoint experts as
members/Chairperson of the EAC/SEAC under these head [“public administration or
management “] unless the said experts in the above field is/are directly
relatable to the various fields of environmental jurisprudence.”
Thus, the NGT has
clearly ruled - something that should also be obvious from basic principles –
that any member, and particularly the Chair of the EAC (and now the NEMA) must
primarily be an expert in the field of environment.
Second, the NEMA has a
vastly expanded set of responsibilities that go beyond project clearances, so
making the NEMA Board full time would only be a limited improvement over the
EAC. In particular, NEMA has to “Monitor the compliance of
specifications and enforce all the conditions of project clearances.” This is
very important, for as the TSR Committee itself notes, the main problem with
the environmental regime in India is lack of compliance and implementation.
However, there is nothing in the Report that indicates how the NEMA is going to
manage this monitoring, which will require a large staff. Most of the Report’s
recommendations for monitoring are in terms of using modern technology – which
is welcome and must be done – but it is not going to be a silver bullet. The
Report seems to believe in a technological fix.
The real issue with the
monitoring and compliance is, of course, that the establishment does not have
the political will to take action against the offenders, against projects and
promoters who are often in nexus with the political and bureaucratic
establishment, or where other considerations like bribes prevail. Clearly, a
NEMA headed by a member of the same bureaucracy is unlikely to rise above these
reasons and suddenly transform itself into an organisation that can take strong
action.
The Report notes that
among the principles it tried to follow is that of “providing adequate teeth to
regulators to check the violations.” Unfortunately, lack of teeth was never the
problem – current laws provide ample scope for taking strict actions – but
rather the willingness to bite. None of the recommendations have the intent of
creating this political will to take strict action. Nor do any of the
recommendations go to make the bureaucracy more accountable. On the contrary,
by diluting provision like the NGT, the Report has decreased the
accountability.
Last, but not the least,
there is a recommendation that :
“The Union Government shall have the powers to give
directions to NEMA and SEMA in the matters of project clearances. All such
directions shall be binding on NEMA and SEMA”.
The intent of this is
not clear, but the results are likely to be further enhanced control of the
Government on the NEMA.
First of all, it
recommends that “only environmental, rehabilitation and resettlement issues are
captured in the public hearing.” This means that the local communities have no
scope to raise issues questioning any other part of the project or the project
itself.
Equally serious, it
recommends that “A mechanism should be put in place to ensure that only genuine
local participation is permitted.” This is a clear attempt to shut out civil
society and public interest groups from the public hearing process and in turn
deprive the local communities of inputs that can empower them. It should be
noted that many of the projects are complex technological interventions, the
EIAs are complicated documents (often available only in English), and so the
local communities need support to understand the EIA and other impacts of the
project. It is ironic that projects are promoted mostly by outsiders, the EIAs
are done by outsiders / consultants, but it is now expected that now only
“local” people would participate in the public hearing. This is a clear attempt
to weaken challenges to grossly destructive projects by isolating local
communities from external support and thus disempowering them.
Further, the Report says
that public hearings can be dispensed with “in the matters of projects of
strategic importance and national importance.” This offers a very easy escape
route for exempting projects, particularly since national importance is not defined,
and virtually every major project could be considered nationally important. For
example, the Polavaram dam and irrigation project has been declared a national
project; this could well mean that it is of national importance. Then, even
such a controversial project, facing serious challenge from local people, could
be exempt from public hearings.
Several other dilutions
are also proposed for public hearings.
Other Concerns
Report finds legal framework
robust, yet recommends changing it drastically
Winding up or Dilution of National Green Tribunal
on Cards
(Details were not clear in the Executive Summary.
It is now clear that the NGT will remain, but its powers of review will be
limited to “judicial review of administrative actions” as against reviewing the
core of the environmental aspects on merits that an expert Tribunal can.)
Utmost Good Faith Mechanism
Delinking Compensatory Forestation from Project
No Provision for Participation
In Sum
In sum, while the Report
correctly identifies many of the significant problems in the current
environmental regime, the recommendations provided by it hardly address these
reasons. On the contrary, if accepted, they will go towards creating a system
that is bureaucratic, with little accountability and geared mainly towards
“expediting” clearances, with little to ensure that the environmental
principles are maintained and enshrined in projects and developmental activities.
[1]
Order of the National Green Tribunal, Principal Bench in the matter of APPLICATION NO. 116 (THC) OF 2013, Kalpavriksh
and Ors. Vs Union of India and Ors., dated 17th July 2014.
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