SA Iyers’s piece in Times of India dated 10 Sept 2017, “Why
many tribals don’t mind being ousted by dams”, examining the condition of
some of the oustees of Sardar Sarovar Narmada dam, (https://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Swaminomics/why-many-tribals-dont-mind-being-ousted-by-dams/
) is a classic case of misinterpretation of data, hiding the more important
issues, and conclusions not supported by research findings. Indeed, a proper
reading of the article itself shows that unlike Iyer’s assertion, his own
figures show that tribals do mind being ousted. Some important points
are given below.
A rally by the oustees of Sardar Sarovar. Photo: Nandini Oza |
Iyer claims that their “surveys showed, unambiguously, the
resettled villagers were better off than their former neighbours in
semi-evacuated villages.” In support, among the figures given from their
survey, they point out that comparing the resettled with their former
neighbours who remain in the original areas, the access to drinking water was
45% against 33%, to PHCs was 37% versus 12% and to hospitals 14% versus 3%.
Given that the oustees were resettled between 25-30 years ago, and that the
Sardar Sardar project has poured in hundreds of crores of rupees for
resettlement, these figures don’t speak of oustees being better off, but
indeed, point to the pathetic case of the oustees. After 30 years and massive
money being spent, 55% of the rehabilitated people had no access to drinking
water, 63% no access to a PHC and 86% no access to hospital. And this is when
the oustees have been settled in areas closer to the cities and the former
neighbours continue to remain in remote hilly areas. True, cycle and motorcycle
ownership was more favourably distributed towards the oustees, but that may be
simply because in the hilly areas, these are less useful. In any case, they are
less crucial than drinking water, access to health services etc.
While Iyer claims that “Resettled villagers said they
adjusted to new conditions…within two years” (something which we, as former
activists of the NBA who have lived for years with them, find completely
unbelievable), Iyer also finds that in response to the question whether “Would
they prefer returning to their old villages, with the same land they had
earlier? Around 54% said yes, 30% said no…” This response, after 30 years of
resettlement, itself speaks volumes. Iyer justifies this by saying that “For a
majority, nostalgia for ancestral land and access to forests mattered more than
greater material possessions.” But it’s not just nostalgia. The forests, the river, also provided the
tribals with substantial economic and livelihoods resources including fodder,
fruits and fish. The fact is that the majority of the oustees at the
resettlement continue to face multitude of problems like bad quality of land,
lack of basic amenities, hostility from original residents etc. and many
promises made to them remain unfulfilled. (May be they were just jumlas
to get the oustees to move?). That is why to them the original village would
still appear a better proposition from even an economic point of view.
This is further substantiated by the response to the
question “... if given the oustee compensation package, they would like to be
ousted. In semi-evacuated villages, 31% wanted to move, 53% wanted to stay, in
interior villages, a majority (52%) wanted to move, 35% wanted to stay…”. While
clearly a majority of the former neighbours of the oustees indicated their lack
of confidence in the rehabilitation package, the response of the “interior
villages” is used by Iyer to make astounding conclusions about majority of
tribals wanting to leave the forests. But the “interior villages” are those
living near the mines of the GMDC, where mining has impacted them badly, even
as it has brought them some access to infrastructure like roads.
Overall, Iyer uses his data to draw some highly unwarranted
and astounding generalisations that “it’s entirely possible to implement
resettlement packages making tribals materially better off. ..explodes the
claim of some activists that modernisation is disastrous for tribals…”
Last but not the least, his concluding line is most
revealing. “Many tribals want to leave the forest for a better life.” In saying
this, Iyer never raises the fundamental question as to why the tribal have to
be evicted from their original village in case they want to have a better life,
why is it that they cannot have access roads, drinking water, health facilities
etc. unless they leave their original lands, homes and forests. If they did
have many of these facilities in their original homes, even the limited
advantages which Iyer’s study shows the oustees got, would have vanished. In deliberately ignoring this fundamental
issue, in not articulating what his own survey reveals, and in making sweeping
generalisations, Iyer betrays a haste to give an unsupported clean chit to the
project’s rehabilitation, the reality of which is far more dismal.
Shripad Dharmadhikary (manthan.shripad@gmail.com) 12
Sept 2017
Nandini Oza (nandinikoza@gmail.com)
The writers were both fulltime activists with the Narmada Bachao
Andolan for close to 12 years.
Hidden agenda and hidden caste-ism....
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